A report by South Africa’s Public Protector has triggered the latest scandal involving President Jacob Zuma and other state officials, who are accused of improper and unethical conduct in the awarding of state contracts. The report was released as the result of a High Court ruling (Times Live, 2016) and follows court cases related to the 1999 Arms Deal (Corruption Watch, 2014) and the misuse of state funds in the security upgrades of Zuma’s personal home in Nkandla (Mail & Guardian, 2016).
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According to Gabon’s national electoral commission and a subsequent Constitutional Court ruling, incumbent President Ali Bongo won re-election in August against challenger Jean Ping. His razor-thin and disputed victory margin relies in part on extraordinarily strong support and high voter turnout in the president’s home province, Haut-Ogooué. The officially announced results prompted protests in which several people died and many were arrested.
- Across 36 African countries, fewer than half of respondents say they trust their MPs (48%) and local councillors (46%) “somewhat” or “a lot.” Among 12 public institutions and leaders, MPs and local councillors rank eighth and ninth in public trust.
Members of Parliament (MPs) and local government councillors are elected to represent their constituents. In a functioning democracy, these office-holders are expected to represent the public interest and to be accountable to those who elected them.
How well do African citizens think their elected representatives are fulfilling their roles? How do constituents perceive their political leaders’ integrity, their responsiveness, and their commitment to serving the public interest?
Reform of electoral laws has been a mainstay of political discourse in Uganda for two decades. Since the issue came to the fore following the 1996 general elections, stakeholders on all sides – opposition political parties, civil-society organisations, election observer missions, government, and the Electoral Commission (EC) – have called for reform to ensure free and fair elections (International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 1996; Citizens’ Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda, 2013a).
The promulgation of Kenya’s Constitution in 2010 and the ushering in of county governments in 2013 generated high public expectations of efficient service delivery without much consideration of the complexity of such a transition in governance. Kenya’s devolution involves both political and administrative changes, requiring the national government and counties to collaborate in building a new political culture and leadership, with citizens as the pillar of reflexive governance. If that pillar is weak, the form of governance that Kenya has embraced is threatened.
Fourteen years after the end of its civil war, Sierra Leone continues to struggle with weak governance, widespread poverty, and systemic corruption that undermine efforts toward sustainable development.
On 30 September 2016, Botswana will mark its 50th year of independence from the United Kingdom, a significant occasion for both celebration and reflection. An important part of this reflection has focused on Botswana’s transition from National Vision 2016, the blueprint that has guided the country’s development for the past two decades, to National Vision 2036, in tandem with the global move from the United Nations’ Millennium Development Goals to Sustainable Development Goals (Ministry of Finance and Development Planning, 2016a).
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La démocratie est un système politique dont l’émergence et la consolidation passent par la forte implication des formations politiques. En effet, le pluralisme des opinions et des partis politiques est une caractéristique fondamentale de la démocratie nigérienne car par de grandes majorités, les Nigériens rejettent le parti unique comme système de gouvernance et disent que plusieurs partis politiques sont nécessaires pour leur garantir le choix de ceux qui vont les gouverner.
Selon la plus récente enquête d’Afrobaromètre au Niger, la majorité des Nigériens désapprouvent le parti unique et déclarent à plus de 70% que plusieurs partis politiques sont nécessaires pour garantir que les citoyens aient réellement le choix de ceux qui vont les gouverner.
Lorsqu’on considère le parti politique au pouvoir et ceux de l’opposition, un élément constitue la différence la plus importante au Niger: l’honnêteté ou l’intégrité des dirigeants des partis.
Sierra Leoneans express growing support for multiparty politics, accountable government, and presidential term limits, according to the latest Afrobarometer survey (2015) in the country.
Le développement des pays passe par une combinaison à la fois des plans nationaux et ceux des partenaires au développement. Si à ce jour les résultats des Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement (OMD) restent discutables, les Nations Unies ont déjà adopté les nouveaux Objectifs de Développement Durable (ODD), qui visent, entre autres, à éliminer la pauvreté, parvenir à la sécurité alimentaire, et garantir à tous une vie prospère et un accès équitable en eau, à une éducation de qualité, et à une énergie moins chère et fiable.
Selon la récente enquête Afrobaromètre menée en septembre 2015 au Gabon, plus de la moitié des Gabonaise pensent que les problèmes auxquels le pays fait face sont essentiellement la santé, l’éducation, le chômage et les infrastructures routières.
Aussi, deux tiers des Gabonais déclarent que si le Gouvernement devait faire des d’investissements additionnels, la priorité doit être accordée à l’éducation et à la santé.
Par ailleurs, plus de trois quarts des Gabonais déclarent que la performance du Gouvernement en matière de création d’emplois est mauvaise.
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If supporters of democratic reform in Swaziland see multiparty competition as the path to a more transparent and accountable government, they face an uphill struggle: Almost two-thirds of citizens say multiple political parties are divisive and unnecessary in Swaziland.
In the run-up to local elections on 3 August 2016, the two leading opposition parties – the Democratic Alliance (DA) and Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) – are portraying the poll as a political watershed for democracy in the country in the wake of the recent Constitutional Court judgment against President Jacob Zuma regarding the use of state funds at his private residence in Nkandla. The two parties have played a crucial role in pushing for accountability on this matter over the past few years and were the applicants in the court case.
Equality is a principle enshrined in Zimbabwe’s Constitution and legal system, which seek to guarantee both gender equity and equal treatment for all – regardless of class, religion, or race – before the law. According to Section 3(1) of the Constitution, “recognition of the equality of all human beings” is one of the country’s founding principles.
Multiparty politics has had an uphill struggle in Uganda, marked by a 19-year ban on party competition from 1986 to 2005. Voters overwhelmingly reinforced the “no-party system” in a 2000 referendum, then reversed themselves in a 2005 referendum that opened the field to political challengers.
Sibusiso Nkomo, speaks to SAfm about recent survey findings on South Africans' perceptions of their country and direction it is taking.
D’après la plus récente enquête Afrobaromètre, les Gabonais estiment majoritairement non seulement que le pays va dans la mauvaise direction, mais que les conditions économiques ne vont pas s’améliorer au cours des 12 mois à venir.
Les résultats suggèrent que les Gabonais estiment majoritairement que leur situation personnelle du moment est demeurée identique ou s’est empirée comparativement aux 12 derniers mois. De même, les citoyens jugent insuffisant la performance du gouvernement dans la gestion de l’économie et la stabilité des prix.
Since South Africa’s transition from apartheid to democracy in 1994, the government’s development plans have focused on redressing racial inequalities in socioeconomic outcomes. The National Development Plan 2030 highlights broadened access to education and other essential services, along with rising incomes, as indicators of the country’s “remarkable progress” over the past two decades: “In nearly every facet of life, advances are being made in building an inclusive society, rolling back the shadow of history and broadening opportunities for all” (National Planning Commission, 2013, p.
A majority of Zimbabweans view their personal living conditions as “fairly bad” or “very bad”, according to the latest Afrobarometer survey in Zimbabwe. Similarly, the proportion of citizens who view the country’s economic conditions as “bad” or “very bad” has also increased between the period 2009 and 2014. However, despite this pessimism regarding the state of the economy and citizens’ personal living conditions, a majority (57%) approved of the president’s performance.
A majority of citizens (63%) say that they trust their president “somewhat” or “a lot”. This is according to the latest Afrobarometer survey in Zimbabwe (2014), which shows significant increase in trust levels in the president since 2009. This analysis covers the latest country`s post elections period from 2009 to 2014.
As one would expect, President Robert Mugabe attracts high trust levels in rural communities, from supporters of the ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National Unity Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), and in provinces where the ruling party holds the majority share.
A large majority of Sierra Leoneans believe their present economic and living conditions have worsened over the past year, findings from the latest Afrobarometer survey shows.
Most Sierra Leoneans perceive their government has performed ‘very badly’ in narrowing income gaps between the rich and the poor. However, a small percentage of Sierra Leoneans are optimistic the government’s economic measures will improve their living conditions in the next 12 months.
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