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Majority of Swazi’s of the opinion that political parties are divisive and therefore unnecessary

Two out of three Swazis were of the opinion that political parties were divisive and therefore  not necessary in Swaziland’s democracy.  Only (31%) felt that they should exist in order to give them choice when selecting candidates during elections, according to the most recent Afrobarometer survey held in Swaziland.  This shows a six percentage point increase in support for the banning of political parties compared to 2013.

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AD89: As South Africa’s local elections approach, public confidence underpins system in turmoil

South Africa’s fourth democratic local government elections, in August 2016, will be a test for the long-ruling but troubled African National Congress (ANC), for opposition parties hoping to claim some major cities, for an Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) caught between court orders and logistical realities, and for local government councillors facing their constituents.

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WP164: Ethiopians’ views of democratic government: Fear, ignorance, or unique understanding of democracy?

As part of Afrobarometer's Round 5 surveys in 35 African countries, its partner ABCON PLC Consulting House interviewed 2,400 adult Ethiopians in August 2013. Analysis of the collected data raised significant questions about the comparability of Ethiopia results with those from other surveyed countries, particularly with regard to attitudes toward democracy. These questions are laid out and explored in this working paper.

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AD86: Beyond ‘no-party’ system: Ugandans support multiparty politics, but trust in opposition weakens

Multiparty politics has had an uphill struggle in Uganda, marked by a 19-year ban on party competition from 1986 to 2005. Voters overwhelmingly reinforced the “no-party system” in a 2000 referendum, then reversed themselves in a 2005 referendum that opened the field to political challengers.

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AD82: Post-1994 South Africa better than apartheid, but few gains in socioeconomic conditions

Since South Africa’s transition from apartheid to democracy in 1994, the government’s development plans have focused on redressing racial inequalities in socioeconomic outcomes. The National Development Plan 2030 highlights broadened access to education and other essential services, along with rising incomes, as indicators of the country’s “remarkable progress” over the past two decades: “In nearly every facet of life, advances are being made in building an inclusive society, rolling back the shadow of history and broadening opportunities for all” (National Planning Commission, 2013, p.

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AD71: Support for democracy in South Africa declines amid rising discontent with implementation

In April 2015, South Africa marked the 21st anniversary of its inaugural elections under full universal suffrage, the country’s formal transition from apartheid to electoral democracy. South Africa’s political system is well-regarded by international experts and is one of only 11 on the continent that Freedom House currently classifies as “free” (Freedom House, 2015).1 Despite this success, 2015 is best remembered for its political turmoil, including corruption scandals, a combative atmosphere in Parliament, and nationwide student protests against higher education tuition.

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Snapshots of South Africa's democracy at 21: Afrobarometer 2015 results on democracy, immigration, and trade unions.

Event: Afrobarometer Lunchtime Seminar

Date: Tuesday, February 9

Time: 12:30pm–2pm

Location: 105 Hatfield Street, Gardens, Cape Town City Bowl, parking at Jewish Museum

Contact: Wendy Mpatsi: 021 202 4071; wendy@ijr.org.za

You are cordially invited to attend the second release of Afrobarometer’s 2015 survey data, a lunchtime seminar on the state of South Africa’s democracy at 21. The event will form part of IJR’s Open Weeks.

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PP30: Botswana's democratic consolidation: What will it take?

Botswana is Africa’s oldest continuous democracy, having enjoyed decades of peaceful multipartyism since independence in 1966. However, this success is tempered by growing concerns that the country’s remarkable stability has come at the cost of further political development. Significant weaknesses in Botswana’s democracy include low civic participation, relatively weak opposition and civil society sectors, and a lack of incumbent turnover in 11 consecutive free and fair elections.

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Escalating crisis belies Burundians’ strong support for democracy

In contrast to the violent turmoil racking their country, Burundians are largely united in their support for democracy and fair elections and their rejection of authoritarian alternatives, according to the most recent Afrobarometer survey in September-October 2014.

In particular, Burundians value democracy as the protection of civil liberties and personal freedom and as peace, unity, and power-sharing – all of which are threatened by the country’s current political crisis.

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AD68: Escalating political crisis belies Burundians’ strong support for democracy

Burundi is in the midst of a violent political crisis sparked when President Pierre Nkurunziza decided to seek, and then claimed, a controversial third term. Hundreds have been killed and more than 200,000 have fled (Office of the UNHCR, 2015) since Nkurunziza’s decision in April 2015 to ignore term-limit provisions of the Arusha peace agreement and the Burundian Constitution, as well as strong criticism from civil society and the international community.

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BP47: Les Malgaches et la politique: quelques enseignements tirés des enquêtes Afrobaromètre de 2005

Democracy can not be reduced to the mode of appointment of leaders through free and transparent elections. It must also be understood more broadly by the "exercise of public reason", that is to say, by the existence of a public debate. In a democracy, citizens must be able to participate in policy discussions and influence the choices relating to collective affairs.

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BP56: Demande et offre de démocratie au Bénin : qu'en est t'il ?

En ce qui concerne le Bénin, depuis son adhésion à la démocratie en 1990, il est demeuré selon les rapports des institutions internationales des droits de l’homme, un traditionnel bon élève. Le succès de la série des élections nationales (présidentielle, législative et municipale) qui se sont déroulées entre l’année 2006 et 2008 vient en renfort à cette thèse. En effet, en dix-huit ans de pratique démocratique, l’alternance politique une réalité au Bénin (avec trois présidents différents en quatre élections organisées).

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La démocratie existe à Madagascar, mais pour beaucoup, son fonctionnement reste insatisfaisant

La grande majorité des Malgaches préfèrent la démocratie et rejettent les régimes non-démocratiques comme mode de gouvernement idéal pour Madagascar. Ceci, même si la plupart d’entre eux restent insatisfaits de la manière dont fonctionne cette démocratie au niveau du pays, selon la dernière enquête d’Afrobaromètre.

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BP113: La crise au Mali : attitudes populaires ambivalentes sur la voie à suivre

Ce document d’information évalue les attitudes du public vis-à-vis de la démocratie et de la gouvernance au Mali à un moment difficile de l’histoire du pays. Le défi du rétablissement d’un gouvernement efficace et responsable nécessitera une direction visionnaire nationale. Mais cela ne pourra se faire sans des citoyens exigeant que le pays ne revienne sur la voie du développement politique durable. Il est donc important de s’informer sur l’opinion des Maliens sur les causes et la situation de la crise politique de leur pays – et les solutions possibles. 

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BP139: Democratie et reformes institutionnelles : Perceptions et attentes des Beninois

Après plus de 20 ans d’expérience démocratique au Bénin, la révision de la Constitution du 11 décembre 1990 est mise en débat au sein de la classe politique et de la société civile. Ce débat se cristallise autour du nombre de mandats présidentiels et des conditions d’éligibilité des futurs présidents.

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BP151: Malgré la crise vécue, les Ivoiriens affirment leur soutien pour la démocratie

La Côte d’Ivoire est en train de sortir d’une crise politico-militaire qui a duré près d’une décennie et qui a contribué à accentuer le niveau de pauvreté dans le pays. Aujourd’hui, un Ivoirien sur deux vivent en dessous du seuil de pauvreté (Enquête sur le Niveau de Vie des Ménages, 2008). Les conditions de vie des populations se sont dégradées, et on a assisté à une prolifération de quartiers précaires. Le taux d’urbanisation qui était de 32% en 1975 est passé à 43% en 1998 et à 50% en 2012 selon l’Institut National de la Statistique (INS).

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AD59: Les Burkinabè soutiennent la démocratie mais demeurent insatisfaits de son fonctionnement actuel

ONLY AVAILABLE IN FRENCH.

La plupart des Burkinabè désirent la démocratie et rejettent toute forme de gouvernance non-démocratique. Toutefois, la proportion de la population satisfaite du fonctionnement de la démocratie au Burkina Faso a baissé par rapport à 2008, selon la dernière enquête d’Afrobaromètre.

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Sierra Leonean perceptions of democracy

At a glance:

Support for democracy: A majority of Sierra Leoneans prefer democracy, support multiparty elections, and reject non-democratic alternatives (one-party, one-man, and military rule).

Satisfaction with democracy: More than one-third of Sierra Leoneans say they are not satisfied with the way democracy is working in their country.

Accountability: A majority of Sierra Leoneans want their government to be accountable for its actions.

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Sierra Leoneans support democratic elections, term limits

Sierra Leoneans support democracy and multiparty competition and overwhelmingly favour presidential term limits, the latest Afrobarometer survey reveals.

But more than one-third of citizens are dissatisfied with the way democracy is working in Sierra Leone.

A little more than a decade since the country returned to democratic rule, large majorities of Sierra Leoneans reject non-democratic systems of government and prefer to choose their political leaders through open elections.

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Is equitable justice a mirage? Ugandans cite hurdles in access to justice

Most Ugandans believe that officials receive preferential treatment under the law, a recent Afrobarometer survey in Uganda reveals.

A majority of citizens say that they – and their president – must obey the law, as well as pay taxes and abide by court decisions. But they cite significant obstacles to accessing court services, including long delays, complex processes, high costs, and difficulty in obtaining legal counsel.

Most Ugandans reject legal rights for homosexuals and express intolerance toward neighbors and associates in same-sex relationships.

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Effort de Démocratie au Niger: Le recul de l’insatisfaction

Selon la plus récente enquête d’Afrobaromètre au Niger, la démocratie, quoique relativement jeune, est un système politique connu par la quasi-totalité (84%) des Nigériens. Ces derniers connaissent le mot soit exprimé directement en français ou après une traduction en langue. En effet, ils la définissent en première instance comme les libertés civiles et individuelles (39%) et ensuite comme le vote et la compétition multipartiste (13%).

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Tanzanians approach competitive election with confidence in freedom to choose

As Tanzanians approach a competitive election for president, a majority of citizens say they trust the National Electoral Commission “a lot” or “somewhat,” and most feel “completely free” to vote for the candidate of their choice, according to new Afrobarometer survey findings.

Despite this confidence, significant proportions of the population voice concerns about the likelihood of a fair vote count, about bribery of voters, and about biased media coverage, and some citizens express fear of election-related intimidation and violence.

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