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WP138: From vice to virtue? Civil war and social capital in Uganda
We show that armed conflict affects social capital as measured by trust and associational membership. Using the case of Uganda and two rounds of nationally representative individual-level data bracketing a large number of battle events, we find that self-reported generalized trust and associational membership decreased during the conflict in districts in which battle events took place.
WP149: Solidarity with a sharp edge: Communal conflict and local collective action in rural Nigeria
This paper provides new insights into the link between the experience of violent conflict and local collective action.
BP2: Violent social conflict and conflict resolution in Nigeria
What do Africans think about violent social conflict, including its causes and preferred solutions? How do conflicts affect popular support for democracy?
BP66: Popular views on crime in Tanzania
One of the foremost responsibilities of any government is to provide a secure environment in which the general public can survive and thrive. But not all governments have met this obligation with the same degree of commitment or effectiveness.
WP111: Weak states and political violence in sub-Saharan Africa
Political violence has emerged as one of Africa 's most pressing security issues and recent events in Kenya , Cote d'Ivoire and Nigeria point to the salience of the phenomenon. Existing studies argue that the weak and incapacitated nature of African states is a significant factor contributing to high levels of political violence.
WP64: Crime and support for democracy: Revisiting modernization theory
We revisit the literature on modernization theory and note that the theory posits that both increases in wealth and increases in crime rates accompany modernization. T
WP99: Vote buying and violence in Nigerian election campaigns
Vote buying and political intimidation are important, if epiphenomenal, dimensions of Nigerian election campaigns. According to survey-based estimates, fewer than one out of five Nigerians is personally exposed to vote buying and fewer than one in ten experiences threats of electoral violence.
WP102: Corruption and trust in political institutions in sub-Saharan Africa
This paper analyzes the impact of corruption on the extent of trust in political institutions using a rich collection of comparable data provided by the Afrobarometer surveys conducted in 18 sub-Saharan African countries. More specifically, we set out to test the "efficient grease" hypothesis that corruption can strengthen citizens' trust since bribe paying and clientelism open the door to otherwise scarce and inaccessible services and subsidies, and that this increases institutional trust.
PP10: Perceptions populaires des cause et conséquences du conflit au Mali
Dans l'enquête Afrobaromètre de décembre 2012, les maliens mettaient en avant comme étant les premières causes, de la grave crise sociopolitique que traversait leur pays, le manque de patriotisme des dirigeants et la faiblesse de l'Etat. En ce temps, la plupart des maliens avaient perdu confiance en la classe politique et en les politiciens. Une année plus tard, cependant, une enquête Afrobaromètre de suivi (décembre 2013) révèle que les terroristes étrangers et la corruption sont plutôt les deux premières causes du conflit et de l'occupation du Nord.
PP9: L’état d’esprit des Maliens reflète un regain d’espérance
L’enquête Afrobaromètre de décembre 2012 a révélé que les trois quarts des citoyens maliens craignaient que le pays n’aille dans la « mauvaise direction ». À cette époque, plongés dans une crise nationale profonde, la plupart des Maliens envisageaient l’avenir avec pessimisme. Un an plus tard, cependant, une enquête de suivi dévoile un regain d’espoir dans l’avenir. En décembre 2013, les deux tiers des Maliens considèrent que le pays se dirige dans la « bonne direction ».