L’objectif de ce bulletin est d’analyser les opinions des Burkinabé sur leurs conditions de vie et la situation économique actuelle du pays ainsi que sur la performance du gouvernement actuel.
La trajectoire de Madagascar sur longue période se caractérise par des crises sociopolitiques récurrentes (en 1972, 1991, 2001 et 2009) qui ont à chaque fois entraîné la chute du pouvoir en place et ont interrompu les dynamiques économiques positives amorcées (Razafindrakoto et alii, 2013). La dernière crise qui a débuté à la fin de 2008, et dont l'issue reste à ce jour incertaine malgré l'organisation des élections présidentielles et législatives au dernier trimestre 2013, a entrainé des conséquences dramatiques dans les domaines économiques et sociaux.
Après plus de 20 ans d’expérience démocratique au Bénin, la révision de la Constitution du 11 décembre 1990 est mise en débat au sein de la classe politique et de la société civile. Ce débat se cristallise autour du nombre de mandats présidentiels et des conditions d’éligibilité des futurs présidents.
Selon la plus récente enquête d’Afrobaromètre en Côte d’Ivoire, sept Ivoiriens sur dix (69%) suggèrent que les ex-combattants soient insérés par le financement d’activités génératrices de revenu.
Selon l’enquête menée en Août-Septembre 2014, seul un ivoirien sur quatre pense qu’ils doivent être intégrés dans l’administration publique (Douane, Gendarmerie…) et cela indépendamment du sexe du répondant, même si les urbains y sont plus favorables que les
La dernière enquête Afrobaromètre à Madagascar indique que 9 Malgaches sur 10 (90% de la population) sont d’accord sur le fait que la réconciliation nationale devrait constituer une priorité pour le pays. Par ailleurs, une majorité pense que cette réconciliation devrait être conduite par les autorités religieuses.
Afrobarometer national investigator in Lesotho, Libuseng Malephane will present a paper on ethnic homogeneity, solidarity and social cohesion in Lesotho using the latest Afrobarometer data.
When: Thursday, 3 Sep 2015; All day
Where: Maseru, Lesotho (Lehakoe Recreation Club)
Topic: Conference on solidarity and social cohesion using the latest Afrobarometer data.
Les Togolais sont célèbres pour leur hospitalité. Ce constat est-il encore vrai de nos jours? Qu’en est-il de la tolérance envers les personnes de religion différente, d’un autre groupe ethnique, d’une autre nationalité, d’orientation sexuelle différente, et de ceux qui vivent avec le VIH/SIDA?
Due to a coding error, initial Afrobarometer reports misstated Zambians’ views on whether a husband should have the right to physically discipline his wife and whether parents and teachers should have the right to physically punish children.
Here are the corrected findings from Afrobarometer Round 6 survey in Zambia.
An overwhelming majority of Zambian women and men disapprove of the use of physical force to discipline wives or children, Afrobarometer’s most recent survey has revealed.
Afrobarometer’s latest survey shows that Mauritians seem to accept the multi-ethnic and multicultural character of their society and have strong feeling of belonging to the Mauritian nation.
Moreover, the majority of Mauritians do not have any resentment with regards to living in an ethnically and religiously heterogeneous neighbourhood. Most Mauritians did not exhibit xenophobic attitudes and stated that they would live next to immigrants or foreign workers easily
and without fear.
Despite their multiplicity of ethnic/cultural (European, African, Indian, Chinese) and religious (Hindu, Christian, Muslim, Buddhist) backgrounds, Mauritians have experienced few incidents of ethnic or religious violence. The last major incident dates back to 1999, when the popular Creole musician Kaya was found dead whilst in police custody, triggering riots against the mostly Hindu police and fights between Creoles and Hindus. Since then, the country has lived in relative harmony through three successive national elections.
The most recent attacks on foreigners in Soweto and Kagiso that resulted in the deaths of 6 people and the looting of over 70 foreign owned shops, raises critical questions about the security of foreigners in a country that prides itself in the philosophy of Ubuntu. In the latest round of the South African leg of the Afrobarometer Survey, a substantial majority (88%) of respondents reported distrust of foreigners living in their country.
Findings on poverty, inequality and unemployment from Afrobarometer Surveys in South Africa.
A majority of Batswana would object to working or worshipping with someone who is in a same-sex relationship, but such intolerance is less pronounced among younger citizens, according to a new Afrobarometer survey.
The 2014 survey also shows that intolerance for same-sex orientation is stronger in rural areas than in urban areas.
These findings coincide with the recent High Court victory of the Lesbians, Gays, and Bisexuals of Botswana (LEGABIBO) allowing the organisation to be recognised and registered by the Director of National Registration.
Some essential government services, ranging from piped water to electricity, are the cornerstone of proper living. The ease with which people access services affects their quality of life. Election campaigns usually revolve around promises to give the people easy access to services. People often vote a particular party into government primarily because people hope that the party is more poised than others to provide a set of desired services.
The Afrobarometer has been tracking public attitudes towards foreigners resident in South Africa since 2008 because of a vigorous public debate on immigration controls, attacks on foreigners from other African states and accusations of xenophobia. This bulletin reports response to the questions asked in Afrobarometer Round 5 which explores these attitudes as well as drawing public perception on this issue from the 2008 survey for comparison purposes.
Since the 1990s, Mozambique has been realizing the benefits the economic policy shifts of the late 1980s, including structural adjustment, privatization and liberalization, and conservative fiscal and monetary policies. By the late 1990s, Mozambqiue had “recorded some of the highest levels of annual economic growth in Africa, averaging 6 to 10 percent per annum”. And with exception of the rapid price rises in the flood years of 2000 and 2001, inflation has been brought down to single digits.
An Afrobarometer survey was conducted for the first time in Liberia in 2008. The findings enable us to assess popular opinions on land disputes and the likely consequences for peace and stability in Liberia.
This paper seeks to present a snapshot of what ordinary Liberians think about the country’s current economic conditions, their appraisals of the government’s efforts to manage the economy, and their perceptions of how the country’s economic situation is changing over time, using data from the first Afrobarometer survey conducted in Liberia in 2008.
Africans live in a globalized world. But are they aware of the United Nations and other international organizations? If so, how do they evaluate the performance of these organizations?
For the first time in 2002-3, Round 2 Afrobarometer* surveys included a question on this subject. The exact wording is: “Giving marks out of ten, where 0 is very badly and 10 is very well, how well do you think the following institutions do their jobs? Or haven’t you heard enough about the institutions to have an opinion?”
International remittances have grown dramatically over the past few decades. Existing scholarship on the impact of remittances has focused on their socioeconomic effects. This article focuses instead on the political impact of remittances, and in particular, its effect on political participation. Recent work on Mexico suggests that remittances may be a resource curse. They insulate recipients from local economic conditions, weaken the link between government performance and individual well-being, and reduce incentives to participate in politics.
This paper addresses the conditions under which donor and non-state actor service provision is likely to undermine or strengthen citizens’ legitimating beliefs. On the one hand, citizens may be less likely to support their government with quasi-voluntary compliance when they credit non-state actors or donors for service provision.
We show that armed conflict affects social capital as measured by trust and associational membership. Using the case of Uganda and two rounds of nationally representative individual-level data bracketing a large number of battle events, we find that self-reported generalized trust and associational membership decreased during the conflict in districts in which battle events took place. Exploiting the different timing of two distinct waves of violence, we provide suggestive evidence for a rapid recovery of social capital.
Why would politicians give up power over the allocation of critical resources to community leaders? This article examines why many African governments have ceded power over the allocation of land to non-elected traditional leaders. In contrast to the existing literature, which suggests traditional leaders’ power is a hang-over from the colonial period that has not been eliminated due to weak state capacity, I argue that African politicians often choose to devolve power to traditional leaders as a means of mobilizing electoral support from non-coethnics.
This paper analyzes the impact of corruption on the extent of trust in political institutions using a rich collection of comparable data provided by the Afrobarometer surveys conducted in 18 sub-Saharan African countries. More specifically, we set out to test the "efficient grease" hypothesis that corruption can strengthen citizens' trust since bribe paying and clientelism open the door to otherwise scarce and inaccessible services and subsidies, and that this increases institutional trust. Our findings reject this theoretical argument.