Praesent commodo cursus magna, vel scelerisque nisl consectetur et. Aenean lacinia bibendum nulla sed consectetur. Vestibulum id ligula porta felis euismod semper.
<p> Findings on evaluations of the economy and national government from the Round 5 (2012) survey in Sierra Leone.</p><p><a href="/sites/default/files/media-briefing/sierra-leone/srl_r5_presentation1.pdf" target="_blank">Download the full document</a></p>
Six of 10 Burundians (62%) support limiting presidential terms to two – a remarkable evolution of public opinion between 2012 and 2014.
In 2012, only 51% of Burundian citizens supported presidential term limits. The larger new majority may indicate that as the country approaches elections, and in response to public debate on the issue, the number of people opposed to a third presidential term is increasing.
Two-thirds of Burkina Faso citizens favour a two-term limit on presidential mandates, according to the most recent Afrobarometer survey.
In the 2012 survey, 65% of respondents agreed – including 42% who “strongly agreed” – with the statement that “The Constitution should limit the president to serving a maximum of two terms in office”. This finding reflected an 11 percentage point increase from the 2008 Afrobarometer survey, with majority support in both urban (77%) and rural (60%) areas.
More than six in 10 Burkina Faso citizens reject military rule as a system of government, according to the most recent Afrobarometer survey.
In the 2012 survey, 62% of respondents disapproved – including 27% who “strongly” disapproved – of a system of government in which the army governs the country, compared to just 24% who approve. This finding reflects a 12 percentage point increase from the 2008 Afrobarometer survey, when 50% rejected military rule.
Whilst the president and traditional leaders are the most trusted figures in Botswana’s institutions, other bodies are trusted much less, for example Parliament, the ruling party and opposition parties, according to a new Afrobarometer study.
At the same time government performance is said to have declined in 2014 compared to previous years when Afrobarometer conducted surveys in Botswana.
If elections were held in June or July 2014, the majority of Batswana would have voted for the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP). The Botswana Congress Party (BCP) would consolidate its position as the strongest opposition party. The coalition of opposition parties, the Umbrella for
Democratic Change (UDC) would have won 13%. The coalition consists of the Botswana Movement for Democracy (which broke away from the ruling party), the Botswana National Front and the Botswana People's Party.
Overall, unemployment is identified by 58% of citizens as one of the most important problems affecting Batswana. This was the most frequently stated problem by a significant margin. Since the 2003 Afrobarometer survey, Batswana continue to point to unemployment as the most
Despite more than half (58%) of Batswana’s positive views in 2014 on the economic direction of their country, a fifth (21%) are pessimistic of the future, anticipating worsening national economic conditions in the next 12 months, according to the latest Afrobarometer study.
Batswana express support for a law on declaration of assets and want the president and officials to appear before Parliament to account, according to the findings of the latest Afrobarometer survey. The survey, conducted in June 2014, also reveals that just over half of Batswana say that the level of corruption has increased over the past year.
In the Round 5 Afrobarometer survey in Uganda, 74% of Ugandans said the country was headed in the wrong direction. This was a dramatic change from just one year earlier, when 28% said Uganda was headed in the wrong direction. Analysis of these findings suggests that this perception is fuelled by several factors, including dissatisfaction with prevailing economic conditions and declining personal living conditions (see Afrobarometer Briefing Paper No. 101).
This briefing paper intends to shed light on Ghanaian attitudes toward political accountability and assess the ordinary citizens’ role in this crucial part of the democratic process. In doing so, the paper draws from evidence from Round 5 of the Afrobarometer survey regarding five key aspects of political accountability - associational activity and local political participation; citizen engagement with the state; access to information; accountability and responsibility; and perceptions of corruption.
This briefing paper assesses citizens’ perceptions of their economic well-being, government’s economic performance and public and social services delivery using the first Afrobarometer survey data collected in Sierra Leonean in 2012.
This briefing paper examines the way Tanzanians perceive the National Assembly and its functioning in the post-multiparty election era (i.e., since 1995). Prior to 1995, it can be argued that the elections had some democratic trappings; however, in a true democracy the political process is inclusive of opposition contestation and allows for the full participation of all citizens regardless of ideology, political affiliation, ethnicity/tribe, religion or any other criteria that maybe used to disenfranchise any group or segment of society.
This briefing paper focuses on Batswana’s support for democracy, and the extent to which such support could be attributed to strengthening of democracy in Botswana. It also focuses on the constitution as a symbol of republicanism and foundation of democratic rule. In particular, the following explores the relationship between the support for democracy, institutionalized democratic institutions and existence of the bogosi (chieftainship) as a social and political institution.
This briefing paper reviews Basotho’s support for key aspects of democracy including free association and freedom of the press, preference for democracy government and elected leaders hip, as well as citizens’ beliefs about government accountability and the separation of powers.
This briefing paper explores the opinions of Malawi an adults on women’s political leadership ability. Existing literature contends that people hold opinions in the form of “stereotypes” that have potentially negative implications for women candidates, especially when they are running for national office (Huddy and Terkildesen 1993, Braden 1996, Kahn 1996, Feehan 2006, Chilobwe 2011). Stereotypes reflect perceived rather than real traits of an individual (Huddy and Terkildesen 1993).
This briefing paper examines the relevance of political parties in Malawi’s democracy. Beyond the functionalist assumption that existence suggests some positive contribution of an organ to the whole, this paper looks at social operational pre-requisites that justify the relevance and existence of political parties. Specifically the paper focuses on the linkage role of political parties.
Namibia is usually regarded as one of the best performing democracies in Africa.Using the Afrobarometer Round 5 survey, this paper compares public attitudes that are central to democratic life across high performing countries in Africa. Several important survey questions pertaining to the demand for democracy, the supply of democracy, and the citizens’ role in democratic life will help in the comparison of democratic attitudes. In addition to Namibia, other countries usually at the top of democracy ratings will be included in the comparison to judge the consolidation of democratic values.
This briefing paper uses a recent Afrobarometer public opinion survey to compare people's assessments of the two most recent presidents of Malawi, the incumbent, Mrs. Joyce Banda, and her predecessor, the late Dr. Bingu wa Mutharika. The paper checks whether people make consistent comparisons given that President Banda had been in office for only two months at the time of the survey, while President Mutharika had served seven years in office. Having checked the consistency of the assessments, it examines which of the two is seen to be better.
Since the installation of the Parliamentary Constitution Select Committee (COPAC) in 2009, the word ‘devolution’ has been one of the buzz words in the country. It is a contentious, emotive and divisive issue with strong regional overtones. It is also a frequently misunderstood and sometimes deliberately distorted term. Technically, devolution is a transfer or delegation of power by an upper level of government (often central level) to lower units of governance, e.g., provincial and local governments.
This briefing paper assesses public attitudes about democracy and governance in Mali at a difficult time in the country’s history. The challenge of rebuilding an effective and accountablengovernment will require visionary national leadership. But it also will require citizens who demand that the country return to a path of sustainable political development. Hence it is important to enquire about what Malians are thinking about the causes and status of — and possible solutions to — their country’s political crisis.
This briefing paper provides an analytical view of the process of implementing the new constitution promulgated in 2010 and the subsequent impact it has had on the processes of democracy, governance and constitutionalism in the country. The analysis is based on the results of Round 5 Afrobarometer survey conducted in late 2011.
Who are the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA)? Together with party membership figures and election results, there is one additional reliable measure—party identification.
In May 2012, a display of art entitled “Hail to the Thief II” caused a national controversy because of a single element hung on a separate wall. This was a pastiche of a well-known image of Lenin with the face of the President of South Africa, Jacob Zuma. The piece was entitled “Spear of the Nation”. Are there ways to understand this apparent gap between the image of the President in the media and apparently amongst political, business and civic elites, and that revealed by public opinion by looking at the Afrobarometer results alone?
Ideally, a country’s constitution is that society’s contract with its citizens and should be an expression of the aspirations and values of the people. Zimbabwe’s constitution has a chequered history. It was crafted in London in 1979 as an elite ceasefire pact among warring parties and has been amended no less than 19 times in 30 years. Few have regarded this document as a national supreme law and many have agitated for its replacement.
At the end of 2010, Zimbabwean citizens remained broadly supportive of power sharing as an antidote to political crisis. But they were increasingly critical of the halting performance of their country’s coalition government. Most people also perceived declining civil liberties and feared resurgent political violence. Yet clear majorities called for constitutional reforms to limit the powers of the presidency and seemingly even for free elections in 2011 to return the country to legitimate rule.
Over the past twenty years, approaches to development in Africa have undergone a fundamental change. Practitioners no longer regard development as a largely technical exercise. Economic growth and social wellbeing are now rarely seen as simple matters of, say, getting the prices right for maize production or finding a medical cure for guinea worm disease. Instead, we now understand that technical fixes only work well if embedded in a political and organizational infrastructure that generates broad support for policies and ensures the reliable delivery of goods and services.
Kenya held its fourth multi-party elections in 2007. It turned out to be Kenya’s most closely contested election, but also the most poorly managed, since the return to multipartyism in 1992. Although the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) declared the incumbent and Party of National Unity (PNU) candidate Mwai Kibaki the winner, this was immediately disputed by the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), which averred that their presidential candidate, Raila Odinga, was the winner.