Elections

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PP69: Election présidentielle 2020 en Côte d’Ivoire: Quels ingrédients pour la participation inclusive?

L’approche des élections présidentielles du 31 octobre 2020 en Côte d’Ivoire rime avec des tensions dans le paysage politique ivoirien. Depuis plusieurs mois, les partis politiques de l’opposition et les citoyens ordinaires manifestent publiquement leur contestation, en réaction à un potentiel troisième mandat du président sortant, ainsi que par rapport à la révision de la liste électorale qu’ils estiment opaque et non inclusive.

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En large majorité, les Guinéens rejettent plus de deux mandats présidentiels

Trois quarts des Guinéens soutiennent une limitation des mandats présidentiels à deux selon la récente enquête d’Afrobarometer.

Le Président Alpha Condé avait organisé un référendum le 22 mars 2020 pour introduire la réforme constitutionnelle qui lui permet aujourd’hui de briguer le suffrage des Guinéens pour une troisième fois. La Commission Electorale Nationale Indépendante (CENI) avait ainsi annoncé que le « oui » en faveur de la révision constitutionnelle l’avait emporté à 91,59% contre seulement 8,4%.

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Ivoirians want presidential mandates limited to two terms, age limits for presidential candidates

Most Ivoirians favour limiting presidential mandates to two terms, an Afrobarometer survey shows.

The survey, conducted in November 2019, shows that more than three-fourths (78%) of citizens say the Constitution should limit the president to a maximum of two terms. Term limits have had solid public backing since Afrobarometer began its national surveys in Côte d’Ivoire in 2013. The decision initially announced by President Alassane Ouattara not to seek a third term was thus in line with public opinion.

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Les Ivoiriens sont en faveur de la limitation du mandat présidentiel à un maximum de deux

Les Ivoiriens soutiennent largement la limitation du mandat présidentiel à deux, selon une nouvelle enquête d’Afrobarometer. En effet, ils sont huit Ivoiriens sur 10 (78%) à penser que le mandat du président de la République devrait être limité à deux. La décision initialement annoncée par le Président Alassane Ouattara de ne pas briguer un troisième mandat était ainsi en phase avec l’opinion des Ivoiriens. 

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PP58: Africans want open elections – especially if they bring change

Observers now commonly assert that multiparty elections are institutionalized as a standard feature of African politics (Posner & Young, 2007; Bratton, 2013; Cheeseman, 2018; Bleck & van de Walle, 2019). By this they mean that competitive electoral contests are the most commonplace procedure for choosing and changing political leaders across the continent.

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AD182: Election quality: Ugandans skeptical of electoral commission, back reforms to gain transparency

Over the past decade, Uganda has emerged as a success story of African development. Economic growth and diversification, relative political stability, and considerable investment in infrastructure have seen the country rise as a regional power (Murray, Mesfin, & Wolters, 2016). But to many international observers, this success is dimmed by the long rule of President Yoweri Museveni and a political system that has been described as “dictatorship light” (Gettleman, 2016). While elections are conducted regularly, many have questioned how free they are.

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AD177: Popular trust in national electoral commission a question mark as Zimbabwe enters new era

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Malawians losing confidence in elections, demand reforms, new Afrobarometer survey shows

A growing number of Malawians say the country should adopt methods other than elections for choosing its leaders because elections produce “bad results.” According to the latest Afrobarometer survey, four in 10 citizens support this idea – more than twice as many as a decade ago.

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Facing election test, Kenya can look to popular support for the rule of law, survey shows

Popular support for the rule of law is one of Kenya’s strengths as it confronts an electoral crisis in the wake of the annulled presidential contest of August 8, Afrobarometer survey findings suggest.

Based on a national survey conducted last October, more Kenyans trust the courts than the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission, and fully three-quarters of citizens expect the president to obey the courts even if he thinks they’re wrong.

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AD140: Algerians’ darkening outlook on economy and democracy predates recent anti-austerity protests

Six years after protests swept Northern Africa in the Arab Spring, Algeria entered 2017 with unrest in the streets. Like many other petro-economies, Algeria relies heavily on high state spending and subsidies. But in recent years, plummeting oil and gas prices have hit the county’s economy hard. Algeria generates about 95% of its export earnings from oil, and faced with dwindling revenues and reserves, the government has been tasked with reducing state spending by 9% in 2016 and another 14% at the beginning of this year (Falconer, 2017; Stratfor, 2017; Wrey, 2017).

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WP171: Do electoral handouts affect voting behavior?

Vote-buying is defined as a transaction whereby candidates distribute private goods such as cash and gifts in exchange for electoral support or higher turnout. The direct implication of this definition is that vote shares and turnout would have been lower in the absence of electoral handouts. While there is ample evidence that candidates target certain voters with cash handouts, it is unclear whether these handouts actually result in greater turnout or higher vote shares in favour of the distributing candidate.

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WP170: Public trust in elections: The role of media freedom and election management autonomy

As multiparty elections have become a global norm, scholars and policy experts regard public trust in elections as vital for regime legitimacy. However, very few cross-national studies have examined the consequences of electoral manipulation, including the manipulation of election administration and the media, on citizens’ trust in elections.

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How good are Africa's elections? Afrobarometer video.

Video transcript:

Dozens of African countries regularly conduct national and local elections.

Each election picks a winner.

But beyond winners and losers, the quality of each election also shapes how people feel about their political system in general.

Free and fair elections make people want more democracy.

Elections tainted by repression, fraud, or violence have the opposite effect.

So how good are Africa’s elections?

Afrobarometer surveyed  more than 53,000 citizens in 36 countries, in every region of Africa.

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Kenya: Improving democracy in spite of political rhetoric

At a glance

  • Democratic preferences: A majority of Kenyans prefer democratic, accountable governance in which:
    • Leaders are elected in free and fair elections.
    • Political parties compete in an open field.
    • The president is accountable to the people and Parliament.
  • Democracy improving: Compared to 2014, more Kenyans consider their country a democracy and are satisfied with the way it is working.
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AD119: Will of the people? Election results and public opinion in Gabon

According to Gabon’s national electoral commission and a subsequent Constitutional Court ruling, incumbent President Ali Bongo won re-election in August against challenger Jean Ping. His razor-thin and disputed victory margin relies in part on extraordinarily strong support and high voter turnout in the president’s home province, Haut-Ogooué. The officially announced results prompted protests in which several people died and many were arrested.

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PP35: Election quality, public trust are central issues for Africa’s upcoming contests

Nothing kindles democracy’s energies, anxieties, hopes, and frustrations like an election. The quality of an election can spell the difference between a cooking fire and an explosion.

If a successful election can calm and focus a nation (e.g. Namibia 2015), a disputed election can tear it apart (e.g. Burundi 2015, Côte d'Ivoire 2010, Kenya 2008).

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Behind Gabon’s election dispute, citizens strongly support multiparty democracy, reject autocratic alternatives

Behind Gabon’s eruption in post-election conflict, its citizens are among the strongest in Africa in their support for multiparty democracy and their rejection of non-democratic alternatives, a new analysis by Afrobarometer shows.

Among 36 African countries surveyed in 2014/2015, Gabon ranks near the top in favouring multiparty competition and term limits on presidents, as well as in disapproving of one-party and one-man rule, according to citizen responses collected in September and October 2015.

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In Gabon, overwhelming public distrust of CENAP and election quality forms backdrop for presidential vote dispute

Gabon’s presidential election dispute is playing out against a background of overwhelming public distrust of the national election commission (CENAP) and strikingly negative assessments of the country’s election environment in advance of the August 2016 vote, a new analysis by Afrobarometer shows.
Among 36 African countries surveyed in 2014/2015, Gabon ranks at or near the bottom on every indicator of election quality and fairness, according to citizen responses collected in September and October 2015.

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