Le développement des pays passe par une combinaison à la fois des plans nationaux et ceux des partenaires au développement. Si à ce jour les résultats des Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement (OMD) restent discutables, les Nations Unies ont déjà adopté les nouveaux Objectifs de Développement Durable (ODD), qui visent, entre autres, à éliminer la pauvreté, parvenir à la sécurité alimentaire, et garantir à tous une vie prospère et un accès équitable en eau, à une éducation de qualité, et à une énergie moins chère et fiable.
UNIQUEMENT DISPONIBLE EN ANGLAIS.
La majorité des Guinéens pensent qu’il y a une mauvaise gouvernance dans le secteur de la santé, notamment à cause de la corruption des agents de santé
Selon la plus récente enquête d’Afrobaromètre en Guinée, plus d’un guinéen sur deux (55%) pensent que le Gouvernement actuel répond très mal/plutôt mal aux préoccupations des citoyens dans le cadre de l’amélioration des services de santé de base.
While the delivery of services of such as security, education, water and sanitation and telecommunication are seen in most places around the world as essential responsibilities of the state, the typical African – especially in rural areas – is unlikely to enjoy many of these amenities. Moreover, given the expense of regular, large scale household surveys, the typical policy-maker looking for evidence with which to guide the extension or provision of these services may be equally hard pressed.
In 2015, the Republic of South Africa ratified its National Youth Policy 2015-2020 (NYP). One of the policy’s four primary objectives is “to strengthen the capacity of young people to enable them to take charge of their own well-being through building their assets and ultimately realising their potential to the fullest” (Presidency, 2014, p. 12). This is a crucial objective, given that about half of the country’s unemployed workers are youth ages 15-24 years (Statistics South Africa, 2015).
The provision of public goods and services is an important aspect of socioeconomic development. Access to basic services such as clean water and sanitation, health care, schooling, and transportation enhances citizens’ well-being. Access to roads and telecommunications systems lowers transaction costs, leading to improvements in trade and economic activities (Xu, 2013).
More than half of the adult population in Zimbabwe (54%) think that the payment of teacher incentives (monetary and/or non-monetary) in schools in addition to their normal salaries and benefits is not justified and should therefore be banned. This is according to the results of the
most recent Afro barometer survey (November 2014). This verdict is common across demographic groups of gender, age and place of residence.
Despite growing public support for gender parity, and government initiatives to promote it in some African countries, inequalities in educational attainment remain a significant obstacle to women’s empowerment. The United Nations reports notable successes in increasing primary-school enrolment rates, from 52% in 1990 to 78% in 2012 in sub-Saharan Africa and from 80% to 99% in North Africa, but girls continue to be educated at lower rates than boys – particularly at secondary and tertiary levels (United Nations, 2014).
It has been argued that democratically elected governments may have greater incentives than their authoritarian counterparts to provide primary education for their citizens. It has also been argued that primary education may, in turn, reinforce democracy by prompting individuals to adopt more democratic attitudes.
Education is assumed to be an important influence on citizens’ understanding and endorsement of democracy, but whether this occurs in newly democratic societies with relatively low levels of educational provision is less clear. This paper explores the effect of education on understandings of and support for democratic government in Malawi - paying particular attention to the consequences of primary schooling, which remains the modal experience of Malawian voters.
This article explores the determinants of public satisfaction (or dissatisfaction) with health and education services in Africa. Among prospective explanations, we consider the users’ poverty, their general perceptions of service accessibility, and their specific experiences with service providers. We find that “user-friendliness” of services is essential, especially to poorer clients. But daily encounters – including with substandard teaching and the costs of clinic fees – tend to depress public approval, not only of services, but also of democracy.
Discussions of the social factors conducive to the emergence and survival of liberal democratic regimes in developing societies have generally emphasized modernization as a positive influence and more recently, certain religious traditions as negative influences. Within the modernization framework however recent decades have seen a move away from according education a central role in modernization accounts in favor of a focus on education as a marker of more purely economic, resource-based sources of political values.
In a context of growing popular fatigue with market-oriented policies, public opinion toward economic reform in Zambia is a mixed bag. As a whole, Zambians neither embrace nor refuse the orthodox package of reforms introduced by the Chiluba government (1991-2001) and sustained under the Mwanawasa presidency (2001-2008). Instead, they distinguish among specific policy measures, accepting price reforms and rejecting institutional change. With only minor modifications, these popular policy preferences are consistent over the past decade.
Africa is the poorest and most underdeveloped continent in the world. Among many political and social consequences, poverty and the lack of infrastructure place significant limitations on the cognitive skills of ordinary Africans, and thus their ability to act as full democratic citizens.
A large literature examining advanced and consolidating democracies suggests that education increases political participation. However, in electoral authoritarian regimes, educated voters may instead deliberately disengage. If education increases critical capacities, political awareness, and support for democracy, educated citizens may believe that participation is futile or legitimates autocrats. We test this argument in Zimbabwe – a paradigmatic electoral authoritarian regime – by exploiting cross-cohort variation in access to education following a major educational reform.